中國的「一帶一路」:外交政策新理念對香港和澳門的意義

有趣的是,雖然中國對內實行家長式或威權統治,但其外交政策對外卻是自由主義和多邊主義──這與美國維持內部多元化和自由主義、對外採取強硬、霸權主義和保護主義外交政策的意識形態背道而馳。

國務院新聞辦公室10日發表《共建「一帶一路」:構建人類命運共同體的重大實踐》白皮書,闡述了中國外交政策的原則、理念、目標和實踐。這是自2013年9月中國政府提出建設21世紀海上絲路構想以來的首次。

文件由幾個部分組成:一、前言,主張「一帶一路」倡議源自中國,屬於世界;二、共建「一帶一路」的原則、理念、目標和願景;三、促進政策、設施、貿易、資金融通、民心、新領域合作等領域全方位互聯互通;四、為共建國家帶來實惠、為經濟全球化增添活力、為完善全球治理提供新方案,為世界和平注入正能量、為社會進步匯聚文明力量。

融通中國夢和世界夢

前言指出,古代中國大約在2000年前開闢了陸上絲綢之路,並在1000多年前透過海上絲綢之路與西方相連。「一帶一路」倡議源自習近平主席2013年3月提出構建人類命運共同體的理念。共建「一帶一路」倡議,為構建人類命運共同體提供了實踐平台。

前言認為,「一帶一路」倡議源自中國、屬於世界──這種說法源於漢代張騫出使西域,打通了東方通往西方之路,後來明代鄭和七下西洋,促進了與東南亞各國的商貿往來。

前言轉而闡述中國共產黨的角色;強調中國共產黨始終堅持走和平發展道路,充滿共建「一帶一路」的精神。白皮書稱,共建「一帶一路」既是「向歷史致敬」,更為了融通「中國夢」和「世界夢」,期盼再現陸上絲路和海上絲路的繁華盛況。

白皮書指出,少數國家主導的經濟全球化,帶來貧富差距日益突出。因此,發展必須避免單邊主義、保護主義和霸權主義。經濟全球化需要克服發展不平衡,避免世界被少數國家掌控。

白皮書將發展與共建「一帶一路」聯繫起來,認為「一帶一路」建設正朝着更加開放、包容、普惠、平衡、共贏的方向發展。

白皮書認為,隨着世界多極化、經濟全球化、社會信息化,當今世界和平赤字、發展赤字、安全赤字、治理赤字有增無減。地區衝突、軍備競賽、糧食安全、恐怖主義、網絡安全、氣候變化、能源危機和重大傳染性疾病等問題導致地區衝突加劇。作為世界上負責任的發展中大國,中國倡導共建「一帶一路」構建人類命運共同體。

「一帶一路」倡議是「向歷史致敬」,期盼再現陸上和海上絲路的繁華盛況。圖為浙江杭州舉行的「一帶一路」藝術展。(亞新社)
「一帶一路」倡議是「向歷史致敬」,期盼再現陸上和海上絲路的繁華盛況。圖為浙江杭州舉行的「一帶一路」藝術展。(亞新社)

中方強調非地緣政治工具

共建「一帶一路」以共商、共建、共享為原則,倡導並踐行多邊主義,尊重各國的發展水平、經濟結構、法律制度、文化傳統的差異。為了反駁外界關於「一帶一路」倡議是中國「工具」的批評,白皮書強調,「一帶一路」不是中國的地緣政治「工具」,而是通過與各國合作、遵循市場規律,通過市場化運作實現參與各方利益訴求的行動綱領。企業是主體,政府主要發揮建構平台、創立機制、政策引導的作用,中國憑藉產業、資金、技術、人才、管理等方面的綜合優勢,在共建「一帶一路」中扮演領導角色。共建「一帶一路」的理念,是促進境內外「大循環」的進程。

「一帶一路」的理念是開放、綠色、廉潔,促進高質量發展。白皮書反對少數國家在意識形態和軍事上搞小圈子。相反,「一帶一路」倡議包含綠色發展、綠色交通、綠色能源和綠色金融,以及國際反對犯罪活動和反腐敗工作。

共建「一帶一路」的目標是高標準、可持續、惠民生。因此,中國在建設、營運、採購、招投標過程中都堅持國際規則。在「惠民生」方面,中國聚焦減貧減災、綠色發展、科技教育、公共衛生等領域合作,促進政黨、社會組織、智庫及青年、婦女及地方交流協同合作,足跡從亞洲到非洲,從拉丁美洲到南太平洋,共建「一帶一路」倡議的願景是為世界開闢一條和平之路。白皮書指出,要摒棄地緣政治博弈的冷戰思維和霸權秩序,各國尊重彼此主權和領土完整,不走「剝削掠奪的殖民主義的老路」。

共建「一帶一路」倡議的具體政策包括區域經濟合作;與各國的投資協議;以及政府、企業、社會組織之間的對話,這些對話包括2017年有140個國家參加的首屆「一帶一路」國際合作高峰論壇和2019年有150個國家參加的第二屆「一帶一路」國際合作高峰論壇。

中國基建設施 貢獻經濟走廊

經濟走廊是透過中國的基建設施貢獻出來的,包括巴基斯坦、匈牙利、克羅地亞、老撾、印尼、蒙古和哈薩克等國的高鐵和公路建設,以及中國與緬甸和中亞之間的天然氣管道建設。 總之,各國基建項目是中國「一帶一路」建設的主要貢獻之一。

除了航空公司合作、航空運輸、港口建設外,中國還在「一帶一路」框架下加強與各國的貿易和投資。貿易自由化已成為多邊主義常態,中國已加入《區域全面經濟夥伴關係協定》(RCEP),並努力推動加入《跨太平洋夥伴全面進展協定》(CPTPP)和《數字經濟夥伴關係協定》(DEPA)。

在貨幣金融發展方面,中國在亞洲基礎建設投資銀行、絲路基金的設立中扮演了關鍵角色。 絲路基金投資項目75個,投資金額200億美元。其他形式的資本投資包括基金、債券和證券,中國證券交易所為巴基斯坦和孟加拉的證交所提供了支持。最重要的是,在債務可持續性方面,中國透過評估債務風險和財務負擔,在提供貸款方面保持謹慎。

透過多邊合作,中國在鐵路、港口、能源供應、貨幣金融發展、稅收、環保、災害管理、智庫、傳媒等領域與各方合作。中國與非洲、拉丁美洲、太平洋島國、中東、阿拉伯世界建立了許多論壇。在航空、氣候變遷、農業和食品開發、建築材料、電動車、燃氣管道、物流、海事測繪、資訊共享和區域仲裁(在香港)等領域與各方達成合作標準。

最後,促進「惠民生」的廣泛領域還包括文化旅遊、教育交流、傳媒與智庫合作,以及博物館、藝術節、公共圖書館、電影音樂節等多種類型的結盟。最有趣的是,中國設立了絲路獎學金,隨後香港和澳門的高等教育機構也提供了類似的獎學金。學術交流可以進一步促進,以培養科學和其他學科的專家。其他新的合作領域包括公共衛生、醫學研究、疫苗生產、建立貨幣金融發展綠色夥伴關係、簽署應對氣候變遷諒解備忘錄和建立低碳示範區、與各國分享數位經濟資訊。

香港可以透過吸引外資、激活本地企業探索與各國的各種投資和貿易機會。圖為在香港舉行的「一帶一路高峰論壇」。(亞新社)
香港可以透過吸引外資、激活本地企業探索與各國的各種投資和貿易機會。圖為在香港舉行的「一帶一路高峰論壇」。(亞新社)

香港和澳門將發揮更重要作用

就在中國將於2023年10月17日至18日舉辦第三屆「一帶一路」高峰論壇的前一周,中國「一帶一路」白皮書的發表具有重要的社會、經濟和政治意義。

首先,白皮書提出了中國新的外交政策理念:推動和平、永續、多邊的社會主義。在政治上,中國奉行自由主義、反霸權的外交政策,這與美國宣揚西式民主和公民自由普世價值的外交政策,以及美國霸權主義背道而馳。有趣的是,雖然中國對內實行家長式或威權統治,但其外交政策對外卻是自由主義和多邊主義──這與美國維持內部多元化和自由主義,對外採取強硬、霸權主義和保護主義外交政策的意識形態背道而馳。

從某種意義上說,白皮書是對外界批評「一帶一路」是中國「地緣政治工具」的回應。白皮書認為,共建「一帶一路」倡議不僅對全球發展中國家是雙贏的政策,對其他基於共同政治理念但不形成小圈子的國家也是雙贏的。

其次,白皮書簡單地談到了香港和澳門,例如香港作為區域仲裁中心的作用,以及為「一帶一路」沿線國家的學生到港澳升學提供獎學金等。事實上,在白皮書沒有明確提及的領域,例如香港的貨幣金融發展、澳門的文化旅遊發展、深化各項工作等方面,香港和澳門可以而且將會發揮更重要的作用。香港和澳門在改善民生方面的各項工作,在北京中央政府的指導和批准下,兩個特別行政區的民間「外交」將會更加自信,而澳門在促進香港和澳門的特殊作用本身,就是中國加強與葡萄牙及其他葡語國家關係的平台。香港、澳門的智庫是一個薄弱環節,有待透過籌集研究資金、建立政府和高等教育及企業三方夥伴關係,與「一帶一路」沿線國家的智庫互動等方式加強建設。

第三,香港、澳門在與「一帶一路」國家的經濟合作中可以發揮更大作用。香港政府和澳門政府可以透過吸引外資、激活本地企業探索與各國的各種投資和貿易機會,以及在中國的指導下宣傳兩座城市具有良好和廉潔的治理特點,在中國主權下培育對外經濟自主權。換句話說,在北京中央政府提供特殊的「一國兩制」框架下,香港和澳門對外可擁有更多的自治權。

總的來說,「一帶一路」白皮書是一份對中國外交政策有重大影響的重要文件,其特徵是和平、可持續、合作、多邊的社會主義新理念。這種新的意識形態反映了美國為何在意識形態上將中國視為競爭對手,因為美國對內雖是多元的,但對外卻是保護主義和霸權主義的,而中國對外自由、反霸權,對內則是家長式作風。中美執政理念和外交政策的衝突十分突出,儘管有這些意識形態衝突,香港和澳門作為中國的特別行政區,在加強與世界其他地區的對外經濟自主權、對外社會文化和教育關係方面將可發揮更積極的作用。

China’s Belt and Road: A new ideology of foreign policy with implications for Hong Kong and Macau

On October 10, 2023, the State Council’s Information Office published a White Paper on “The Construction of One Belt One Road: The Important Implementation of the Common Destiny and Entity for the Humankind,” a document that delineates the vision, mission and ideology of China’s foreign policy since Septembere 2013, when the government of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) first talked about an idea of building up the 21st century path of maritime silk road.

The document is composed of several sections: (1) an introduction asserting that the Belt and Road initiative stemmed from China and its belonging to the world; (2) the policy’s principles, ideas, objectives and vision; (3) the multidimensional nature of interactions and communications in the aspects of policies, facilities, trade, capital flow, people’s attitude and new cooperative areas: and (4) the positive elements injected into world peace through practical benefits, economic globalization, global governance, and civilizational force and integration.

The introduction argues the ancient China opened the land route of the silk road about 1,000 years ago and connected with the West through the maritime silk road. The Belt and Road initiative originated from President Xi Jinping’s discussion of how to create the common destiny for the humankind in March 2013. This advocacy gradually became a platform for the human beings to realize the common destiny for the humankind, while entrenching its roots for the sake of strengthening the understanding of the international society.

The Introduction contends that the Belt and Road policy originated from China’s belonging to the world – a claim that stemmed from the Han dynasty when military officer Zhang Qian visited the western regions. Zhang’s exploration was later followed up by Zheng He in the Ming dynasty as he went to various parts of Southeast Asia through seven maritime visits.

The Introduction turned to the role of the Communist Party of China (CPC), which maintains and insists on the path of “peaceful development,” and which is imbued with the spirit of building up the Belt and Road initiative. The Belt and Road initiative, according to the White Paper, is “a tribute to history” and a testimony to the land and sea transport for the sake of realizing “the Chinese dream” and “the world dream.”

Development, according to the White Paper, entails economic globalization in which the gap between rich and poor countries is increasingly prominent. As such, development must avoid unilateralism, protectionism and hegemonism. Economic globalization needs to overcome unbalanced development and avoid the world being controlled by a small number of countries.

The document then connects development with the Belt and Road scheme, arguing that the Belt and Road initiative is heading toward the directions of being more open, embracing, popular, balanced and toward a win-win situation.

The White Paper contends that in face of the world multi-polarization, economic globalization and social information, the world is now characterized by deficits in peace, development, security, and governance. Regional conflicts worsen amid arms race, food security concerns, terrorism, internet security, climate change, energy crises and significant infectious disease outbreak. As a responsible developing nation in the world, China advocates the idea of building up the common destiny and entity for humankind through the Belt and Road initiative.

The principles of the Belt and Road initiative are to discuss, build and share together in the process of economic integration and development, embracing multilateralism and respecting each nation’s development standard, economic structure, legal system, and cultural tradition. To counter outside criticism that the Belt and Road initiative is a “tool” of China, the White Paper asserts that it is not the PRC’s “tool” but an action platform to promote developmental space through cooperation with various countries and through the respect for market regulations. Enterprises are the main entity of marketization while the government plays the role of constructing platforms for them and integrating comprehensively the industries concerned, capital investment, technology, and talent as well as management. The idea of Belt and Road initiative is to facilitate the process of “big circulation” inside and outside China.

The ideas of the Belt and Road initiative are to embrace openness, green colour, and clean governance so that quality development can be fostered. The White Paper rejects small circles being created ideologically and militarily by a small group of nations. Instead, the Belt and Road initiative embraces natural development, green transport and energy and finance, and anti-crime and anti-corruption work internationally.

The objective of the Belt and Road initiative is to aim at high standard, sustainability, and the improvement of the people’s livelihood. As such, China sticks to the international rules in construction, management, procurement, and tendering process. In terms of the people’s livelihood, China advocates poverty alleviation, green development, technology-based education, public health, cross-party cooperation, and cooperation among youth, non-governmental organizations, women groups, and local governments in different continents, ranging from Asia to Africa, and from Latin America to South Pacific.

The vision of the Belt and Road scheme is to create a path for world peace. Geopolitics should, according to the White Paper, abandons the Cold War mentality and hegemonism and respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of other states, while rejecting “the old path of exploitative colonialism.”

For the concrete policies emanating from the Belt and Road scheme, they include regional economic cooperation; investment agreements with various countries; and the dialogue between governments, enterprises, and social organizations. Such dialogue included the first Belt and Road forum in 2017 with the participation of 140 nations, and the second forum in 2019 with the participation of 150 nations.

Through multilateral cooperation, China has been cooperating with various partners in building up railway, ports, energy supply, monetary and financial development, taxation, environmental protection, disaster management, think tanks and mass media. Many forums were established between China and Africa, Latin America, the Pacific Islands, the Middle East, and the Arab world. Cooperation standards with various contrived were reached in areas like aviation, climate change, agricultural and food development, construction materials, electric cars, gas pipes, logistics, maritime mapping, information sharing and regional arbitration (in Hong Kong).

Economic corridors were established through China’s infrastructure contribution to the development of highways in countries like Pakistan, Hungary, Croatia, Laos, Indonesia, Mongolia, and Kazakhstan, and to the construction of natural gas pipes between the PRC and Myanmar and Central Asia. In short, infrastructure projects in various countries belong to one main contribution of China’s Belt and Road scheme.

Apart from airlines cooperation, aviation transport, ports and harbour construction, China has been enhancing its trade and investment in various countries under the Belt and Road scheme. Trade liberalization has become a norm in multilateralism in which China has joined Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership and it strives to promote the participation in Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) and Digital Economy Partnership Agreement (DEPA).

In terms of monetary and financial development, China has played a key role in the establishment of the Asia Infrastructure Development Bank and the silk road fund. The silk road fund witnessed investment in seventy-five items amounting to US$20 billion. Other forms of capital investment include funds, bonds, and securities in which the Chinese securities and exchange centre has provided support for the securities centres in Pakistan and Bangladesh. Most importantly, in the areas of debt sustainability, China has exercised caution in the provision of loans by assessing the risks of debt and financial burden.

Finally, the promotion of the people’s livelihood has broad areas encompassing cultural tourism, educational exchange, cooperation between the media and think tanks, and the formation of several types of alliances including museums, art festival, public libraries, and film and music festivals. Most interestingly, China has set up silk road scholarships, followed by similar scholarships offered by higher education institutions in Hong Kong and Macau. Scholarly exchange has been and can be fostered further to nurture experts in science and other disciplines. Other new areas of cooperation include public health, medical research, the production of vaccines, the formation of green partnership in monetary and financial development, the signing of memoranda of understanding in dealing with climate change and the establishment of low carbon demonstration zones, and the sharing of information in digital economy with various countries.

The publication of the White Paper on China’s Belt and Road scheme is socially, economically, and politically significant just a week before the PRC will host the third forum from October 17 to 18, 2023.

First, this White Paper constitutes a new Chinese foreign policy ideology of promoting its peaceful, sustainable, and multilateral socialism. Politically, China adopts a liberal and anti-hegemonic approach in its foreign policy – an ideology that runs counter to the US foreign policy of promoting its universal values of western-style democracy and civil liberties and American hegemonism. It is interesting to note that while China is internally paternalistic or authoritarian, its foreign policy is externally liberal and multilateral – a hallmark contrary to the US ideology of maintaining internal pluralism and liberalism and yet adopting an externally forceful, hegemonic and protectionist foreign policy.

In a sense, the White Paper is a reaction to some outside criticisms that the Belt and Road was a “geopolitical” tool of China; it argues that the Belt and Road scheme is a win-win policy for not only developing countries in the world, but also other nations that do not form small circles based on their common political ideologies.

Second, the White Paper does talk about Hong Kong and Macau briefly, like Hong Kong’s role as a regional arbitration centre and the provision of scholarship for students along the Belt and Road countries to pursue studies in Hong Kong and Macau. In fact, Hong Kong and Macau can and will play more important roles in areas not mentioned explicitly by the White Paper, like in the development of monetary and financial development for Hong Kong, the development of cultural tourism in Macau, the deepening work of all kinds of work in improving the people’s livelihood in Hong Kong and Macau where both special administrative regions can and will be more assertive in their people’s “diplomacy” under the guidance and approval of the central government in Beijing, and the special role of Macau in promoting itself as a platform for China to enhance relations with not only Portugal but also other Portuguese-speaking nations. One weak area in both Hong Kong and Macau is their think tanks, which remain to be developed in a stronger way by raising capital for research, forging a tripartite partnership between government, higher education and enterprises, and interacting with think tanks in countries along the Belt and Road scheme.

Third, both Hong Kong and Macau can and will play greater role in economic cooperation with Belt and Road countries. The Hong Kong government, and the Macau government, can foster their external economic autonomy under China’s tutelage by attracting foreign investment, by activating their local enterprises to explore various investment and trade opportunities with various countries, and by promoting both cities as having the feature of good and clean governance under the sovereignty of the PRC. In other words, Hong Kong and Macau can and will have more autonomy, externally, under the special “one country, two systems” framework provided by the central authorities in Beijing.

In conclusion, the White Paper on the Belt and Road scheme is an important document with significant implications for China’s foreign policy, which is characterized by a new ideology of peaceful, sustainable, cooperative, and multilateral socialism. This new ideology reflects why the US has seen China as its rival ideologically, because the US is internally pluralistic but externally protective and hegemonic while China is externally liberal and anti-hegemonic but internally paternalistic. The clashes of the ruling ideology and foreign policy ideology between China and the US are stark and prominent. Despite these clashes of ideologies, Hong Kong, and Macau as the special administrative regions of China can and will play a more active role in enhancing their external economic autonomy, external socio-cultural and educational relations with other parts of the world along the Belt and Road scheme. As such, the governing authorities of Hong Kong and Macau, and their social and economic elites should realize that the Belt and Road scheme formulated and implemented by the central government for almost 10 years have laid down tremendous opportunities for their “one country, two systems” to flourish and proper in the coming decades.

原刊於澳門新聞通訊社(MNA)網站,本社獲作者授權轉載。

盧兆興