在福島核電廠洩漏放射性水的問題上，中國與日本就達成共識取得了突破性進展，但兩國不斷前進的外交關係卻突然因一宗悲劇而受到阻礙，一名10歲日本學童於深圳遭到中國市民的襲擊而意外死亡。
日本於2023年8月排放福島核電廠放射性水時，國際原子能總署（IAEA）認為排放計畫符合國際標準，對當地環境和公眾健康的影響非常輕微，但中方則關切放射性水造成的跨國影響，隨後並禁止進口日本水產品。
9月20日，中國外交部發言人毛寧在例行記者會上透露，中日雙方同意在國際原子能總署架構下進行福島水域的聯合監測工作。日本已同意進行海洋環境影響評估，以確保其海鮮產品不會對公眾健康造成任何影響。
中國是日本海鮮最大的市場，2022年為日本帶來近5億美元的收入。中國對日本水產品實施禁令後，香港也緊跟其後，禁止從東京、福島、千葉、栃木、茨城、群馬、宮城、新潟、長野和埼玉等10個日本縣進口海鮮。有本港分析家批評，並非所有縣都受到疑似污染水的影響，但出於對廣義國家安全定義的食品安全的擔憂，香港政府遵循了北京的指示和決定。傳統上，許多香港人喜歡日本食品，包括雞蛋、水果和蔬菜，而日本也是香港人最愛旅遊的目的地。
日本農臣訪港遊說解禁 唯未取得突破
近日，日本農林水產大臣坂本哲志訪問香港，與政務司副司長卓永興進行磋商，但會談未取得突破。
案發當天適逢1931年9月18日日本皇軍入侵滿洲的瀋陽「九一八事變」紀念日，一位就讀於深圳日本人學校的10歲日本學童遭到一位年約44歲的鍾姓疑犯用刀刺傷，該名疑犯早在2019年就因擾亂公共秩序被深圳警方行政拘留15天。
與今次深圳事件不同，蘇州於6月亦發生日本人受襲事件，當時一名中國大陸婦女勇敢地犧牲了自己的生命，阻止了一名正在襲擊一對日本母子的52歲男子。
9月19日，日本首相岸田文雄對記者表示，對日本學生的慘死深感悲痛。他補充說，「這是極其令人髮指的罪行，我們認為這是嚴重而嚴重的事件。」日本政府要求中方確保在華日本公民的安全。
根據日本駐廣州總領事館統計，2022年深圳共有11,901名日本公民，2021年有1,605家日本企業。
當日本記者問及深圳襲擊事件的動機時，中國當局形容那是一宗「孤立事件」，並且正在調查中，與發布中日就福島核事故達成共識沒有任何聯繫。
反日情緒源於歷史慘痛烙印
客觀地講，近來大陸社交媒體的內容和網友評論中很容易出現反日情緒，這一現象反映了歷史的慘痛烙印，也反映了中國民族主義和愛國主義的力量。也許深圳慘案會促使大陸當局在中短期內監控和緩和社群媒體上強烈的反日情緒。事實上，自二戰後不久的民主化以來，許多日本人的政治文化已經發生顯著變化，儘管一小部分日本人仍然懷念他們的殖民歷史。中國大陸社群媒體可能需要對日本進行更準確和客觀的描述。
此外，中日兩國也應持續加強和拓寬教育文化交流，讓兩國青少年更深入了解對方的社會文化。
總而言之，中日關係似乎因雙方就共同監管福島水達成共識而出現轉機。未來幾年中國對日本海鮮的禁令很可能分階段逐步放寬，導致香港當局也做出相應措施。然而，在福島水問題達成共識的同時，也發生了日本留學生在深圳慘死的事件，短期內大陸社交媒體對日本的報導和描繪可能因此變得更加溫和。日中兩國因深圳慘案而產生的風波，只是兩國外交關係前進里程中的暫時現象。基於經濟務實和睦鄰友好的前提下，對中日關係發展仍保持謹慎樂觀。
New development in Sino-Japanese relations: Consensus and discord
While China and Japan achieved a breakthrough in reaching a consensus over the radioactive water released from the nuclear plant in Fukushima, their progressive diplomatic relations have been suddenly and coincidentally hindered by a tragedy in Shenzhen where a 10-year-old Japanese student died after an attack by a Chinese citizen.
In August 2023, when Japan discharged the radioactive water from the Fukushima nuclear plant, China expressed its concern about the cross-border impacts. Consequently, China banned the imports of Japanese aquatic products, although the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) remarked that the Japanese discharging plan met the international standards and that the water would have negligible impacts on the environment and public health many years after the 2011 earthquake tsunami damaging Fukushima and killing 18,000 Japanese.
During a press conference on September 20,, the Chinese foreign ministry spokeswoman Mao Ning revealed that, after some ten rounds of dialogue, China and Japan agreed on their joint monitoring work on the Fukushima water under the IAEA framework, and that their mutual and technical consultations would perhaps lead to the resumption of the import of Japanese seafood products to China later. Japan has agreed to conduct marine environmental impact assessments to ensure that its seafood products would not have any impact on public health.
China was the largest market for Japanese seafood products, and it brought almost US$500 million from Japan in 2022. In recent years, many Chinese tourists have seen Japan as one of their favourite destinations. After the Chinese ban on Japanese aquatic products, Hong Kong followed suit and banned seafood imports from ten Japanese prefectures – Tokyo, Fukushima, Chiba, Tochigi, Ibaraki, Gunma, Miyagi, Niigata, Nagano, and Saitama. Some critics of such measures in Hong Kong said that not all these prefectures were affected by the suspected contaminated water. However, concerned about food safety that now belongs to the broad definition of national security, the Hong Kong government authorities have naturally been following the directive and decisions of the central government in Beijing in dealing with Japanese seafood products. Traditionally, many Hong Kong people have liked Japanese food products, including eggs, fruits, and vegetables. Japan is also a favourite destination of Hong Kong tourists.
Recently, the Japanese fisheries minister Tetsushi Sakamoto visited Hong Kong and discussed with deputy chief secretary Warner Cheuk Wing-hing, but there was no breakthrough in their talks.
The improvement in Sino-Japanese relations came at a time coinciding with not only the September 18 commemoration over the Mukden incident in 1931, when the Japanese imperial army invaded Manchuria, but also a sudden tragedy in 2024 involving the death of the 10-year-old Japanese student, who was stabbed by a 44-year old Chinese suspect in Shenzhen. The assailant, surnamed Zhong, had been put in administrative detention as early as 2019 for 15 days for his action of disrupting public disorder.
This Shenzhen incident was different from another event in Suzhou in June, when a mainland Chinese woman boldly sacrificed her life by stopping a 52-year-old man who was attacking a Japanese mother and child.
On September 19, the Japanese Prime Minister Fumio Kishida told reporters that he felt “deep sorrow” over the Japanese student’s tragic death. He added that “it is an extremely heinous crime, and we regard it as a grave and serious incident.” The Japanese government demanded that the Chinese side should ensure the safety of Japanese nationals in China.
According to the Japanese Consulate-General in Guangzhou, Shenzhen had 11,901 Japanese nationals in 2022 and 1,605 Japanese companies in 2021. The Shenzhen tragedy has already alarmed a minority of Japanese nationals, who have left China for Japan due to their deep concerns about personal and family safety.
When asked by Japanese reporters about the motive of the attacker in Shenzhen, the Chinese authorities said that the attack was an isolated incident, that it was under investigation, and that there was no connection between the release of the Sino-Japanese consensus over the Fukushima water and the Shenzhen tragedy.
Objectively speaking, the mainland social media has recently seen anti-Japanese sentiment easily in their content and netizens’ comments – a phenomenon reflecting the painful legacy of history and the strength of Chinese nationalism and patriotism. Perhaps the Shenzhen tragedy would trigger the mainland authorities to monitor and moderate the strong anti-Japanese sentiment in social media in the short and medium term. In fact, the political culture of many Japanese people has changed significantly since its democratization shortly after World War II, although a small segment of the Japanese people remains nostalgic of their colonial past. A more accurate and objective portrayal of Japan may be necessary in the mainland Chinese social media.
Moreover, both China and Japan should continue to enhance and broaden educational and cultural exchanges so that the young people from both countries can and will understand the society and culture of the other side in a much deeper way.
In conclusion, Sino-Japanese relations have just appeared to take a turn for the better over how both sides managed to reach a consensus over their joint supervision of the Fukushima water. It is highly likely that the Chinese ban on Japanese seafood products would be relaxed gradually but slowly in stages in the coming years, leading to a corresponding kneejerk reaction from the Hong Kong authorities as well. However, the consensus over the Fukushima water unfortunately coincided with the tragic death of the Japanese student in Shenzhen. As such, it is likely that the mainland social media would become more moderate in their coverage and portrayal of Japan in the short run. As such, the discord between Japan and China over the Shenzhen tragedy is only a temporary phenomenon amid a progressive trend in their diplomatic relations. Overall, the development of Sino-Japanese relations remains cautiously optimistic due to mutually economic pragmatism and neighbourly friendship.
原刊於澳門新聞通訊社（MNA）網站，本社獲作者授權轉載。（原文按此）
