從夏寶龍5月13日至19日對澳門進行為期7天的訪問行程，分析他近期對港澳的言論，看來，中央政府一直在採取積極主動的方式，來管理這兩個在經濟和政治上具有顯著相似性的特別行政區。
訪問突出基建 強調三權配合
首先，夏寶龍對澳門為期7天的考察調研，從參觀港珠澳大橋和連接澳門與氹仔的第四條跨海大橋開始。這次訪問具有重要的政治意義，因為在2024年2月訪問香港期間，夏寶龍首先視察了赤鱲角國際機場。他訪問香港和澳門的顯著相似之處，在於基建項目及其發展，對兩個特別行政區的經濟都很重要。基建項目對於內地將兩座城市融入大灣區極為重要──類似的模式也可以從未來幾年正在進行的連接福建省和金門的橋樑建設中看到。換句話說，基建項目計劃是內地推動港澳、台灣與內地社會經濟、政治融合過程中，不可或缺的工具。
其次，夏寶龍訪問澳門第一天，特地會見了澳門行政、立法、司法機構的負責人。這些舉動與他訪問香港時相同；他也在香港會見了行政會議、立法會和司法機構的負責人。從某種意義上說，他與行政、立法和司法機構核心成員會面，傳達了一個訊息：中央是如何看待香港和澳門的三權分立，即行政、立法、司法三權分立。而行政和立法部門是相互配合、相互制衡的。但這並不意味着港澳實行西方式的三權分立。港澳兩地有各自特殊的一國兩制安排，政府的行政主導性質受到司法和立法機關的制約，而立法機構與行政機構的關係則希望和諧而不是對抗。
籲善用一國兩制 打造獨特國際地位
第三，夏寶龍在香港之行會見了商界代表和外國商會代表，在澳門考察也會見到了商界和企業家代表。他在澳門中華總商會與企業家代表座談時的講話具有多方面意義。全力支持行政長官和特區政府團結帶領社會各界，抓住國家發展帶來的歷史機遇，不斷推進具有澳門特色一國兩制成功實踐。他又說，回歸25年來，澳門經濟實現跨越式發展，社會保持長期穩定，居民生活持續改善，多元文化交相輝映，城市面貌獨具特色，國際影響力和國際知名度大幅提升，已發展成爲國際大都市。夏寶龍傳達的訊息很明確：港澳應該利用中央政府支持一國兩制的優勢，將自己打造成一個獨特的國際城市。夏寶龍最近訪問香港後，為了提振港澳的經濟，中央政府將「個人遊」計劃下的內地城市從51個增加到59個。港澳都受到本地人周末大量湧入深圳和珠海的影響，此舉藉由增加內地遊客，希望提振港澳經濟，從而出現轉機。無論是對香港或澳門，中央政府的良好意願都是一樣的。
第四，夏寶龍的7天澳門之行，與他上次訪問香港的情況相似，這表明中央對兩個特別行政區一視同仁，沒有延續「大香港、小澳門」的舊印象。今後，澳門重點發揮作為中國大陸地加強與葡語國家、歐盟和東南亞國家關係的「準外交」平台的作用；香港憑藉全球聯繫和普通法體系，繼續保持國際金融中心地位，在與世界各國經貿關係中發揮「超級聯繫人」作用。
第五，夏寶龍在會見澳門企業家代表時的講話，指出了中央如何擴大澳門實體空間的關鍵問題。他說，1999年澳門主權回歸中國時，面積只有21.45平方公里，但中央政府多次批准填海造地，澳門陸地面積增至33.3平方公里，並明確海域面積為85平方公里，澳門面積進一步擴大。澳門的實體空間大大擴展，為社會經濟發展創造了更大的空間，這是前所未有的嘗試，即使在香港也沒有先例。
第六，夏寶龍指出，澳門享有自治權，與120多個國家有經貿關係，居民可免簽證進入145個國家。從某種意義上說，澳門和香港都享有北京中央政府允許的某種程度的外部自治權，這是兩個特別行政區一國兩制的另一個顯著特徵。
關注港澳青年 關懷民生福祉
第七，夏寶龍關注港澳青年，呼籲他們融入國家發展大局，培養愛國情懷，協助特區發展創新科技。夏寶龍對澳門大學和澳門科技大學的訪問意義重大，兩所大學在國際排名和研究生產力方面都有顯著提升。
第八，夏寶龍考察橫琴澳門新街坊的同時，考察了婦女聯合總會、澳門街坊會聯合會、澳門工聯會、澳門歸僑總會、北京協和醫院澳門醫學中心等。這些訪問都是精心安排的，體現了中央對改善澳門基層民生福祉的深切關懷。他訪問香港也以深入基層探訪市民為特色，體現了中央對一般市民基本生活的重視。如果澳門和香港的資本主義能夠持續下去，它就必須是良性的，並要考慮保護低收入市民的利益。
第九，夏寶龍表示中央支持澳門行政長官和特區政府的工作，這表明中央政府支持賀一誠10月份競選行政長官，如果他願意的話。夏寶龍訪問澳門的時機非常有趣，恰逢8月選舉委員會成員選舉之前，以及賀一誠決定是否參選行政長官之前。無論賀一誠的最終決定如何，夏寶龍的訪澳和言論，似乎為賀一誠決定爭取連任注入了強大的信心。
第十，夏寶龍對澳門發展的評論似乎比他最近對香港的評論更為積極。夏寶龍最近在北京與香港文旅局局長楊潤雄會面時，呼籲將香港特別行政區每一個地方都打造成旅遊勝地。此言論反映了夏寶龍對香港旅遊業管理方式的擔憂。香港當局最近強調的大型體育賽事遭到了公眾的批評。夏寶龍提出「香港無處不旅遊」的概念，是對香港旅遊當局管理旅遊業的方式的含蓄批評──這一言論應該促使他們進行自我批評和反思創新。夏寶龍在北京會見一些香港特區政府官員，以及之後的訪問澳門，都表明了中央政府目前積極管理香港和香港的發展，體現了中央對兩個特別行政區的「全面管轄」。
鋪平賀一誠參選之路？
總括而言，夏寶龍的澳門之行與他先前的香港之行有很大相似之處，反映了北京當局如何對港澳發展採取積極主動的行動。這種中央主動性包括視察調研、公開評論、對兩個特別行政區發表公開言論，以及向港澳高層官員提出直接和明確的政策建議。夏寶龍對澳門的評論也為賀一誠──如果他願意的話──在即將舉行的澳門行政長官選舉中競選連任期鋪平了道路。兩個特別行政區的一國兩制模式各具特色，香港是國際金融中心，澳門是國際旅遊樞紐，與橫琴經濟深度融合，經濟多元化明顯加速，不再過度依賴賭場驅動的資本主義。兩個特別行政區都是以照顧基層市民的利益和福祉為依歸，三權分立的特徵是行政主導，司法獨立，以及行政和立法機關之間的和諧夥伴關係。基建項目及其發展仍然是澳門與香港和內地社會經濟融合的支柱，而東西方文化的融合仍然是一國兩制的特色。
Central proactivity on Macau and Hong Kong affairs
Judging from the content of Xia Baolong’s ongoing 7-day visit to Macau from May 13 to 19, and analyzing his recent remarks on both Hong Kong and Macau, it appears that the central authorities have been adopting a proactive approach to managing the two special administrative regions, with economically and politically significant similarities.
First, the 7-day inspection study of Xia’s visit to Macau began with his tour of the Hong Kong-Macau Zhuhai Bridge and the fourth bridge linking the Macau Peninsula with Taipa Island. This visit was politically significant because, during his February 2024 visit to Hong Kong, Xia went first to inspect the international airport at Chek Lap Kok. The significant similarity between his visits to Hong Kong and Macau was that infrastructure projects and development are economically important to both Special Administrative Regions (SARs). Infrastructure projects are extremely important for the mainland to integrate the two cities into the Greater Bay Area (GBA) – a similar pattern that can also be seen in the ongoing bridge construction linking Fujian province with Kinmen in the coming years. In other words, infrastructure projects are the indispensable tool for mainland China to facilitate the process of socio-economic and political integration between Hong Kong and Macau, as well as Taiwan, and the mainland.
Second, Xia’s first day of his visit was characterised by his meeting with the core members of the Macau Executive Council, Legislative Assembly, and Judiciary. These moves were parallel to his visit to Hong Kong, where he also met the elites of the Executive Council, Legislative Council, and judiciary. In a sense, his meetings with the core political and judicial elites brought out a message in how the central authorities see the three branches of the government of Macau and Hong Kong, namely, that the three powers of executive, legislature, and judiciary are well positioned, together with an executive-led government and the phenomenon of judicial independence, whereas the executive and legislative branches are working with each other while having some degree of mutual checks and balances. It does not mean, however, that Macau and Hong Kong have a western style of separation of powers; the two cities have their own special “one country, two systems” arrangement in which the executive-led nature of the government is checked by the judiciary and the legislature, while the legislature is expected to work with the executive harmoniously instead of confrontationally.
Third, while Xia’s visit to Hong Kong met the business elites and international businesspeople, his inspection study in Macau also met the business elites and entrepreneurs. He delivered a speech to the Macau Chinese Chamber of Commerce that was significant in several aspects. He said that the central government fully supports the Chief Executive and the Macau SAG government to lead society, that Macau enjoys socio-economic stability with economic diversification, and that Macau is an international city. The message he gave was clear: Macau, as with Hong Kong, should project itself as a unique international city, utilising the advantages of the central government’s support of “one country, two systems.” After Xia’s recent visit to Hong Kong, the central government has increased the scope of mainland tourists from fifty-one cities to fifty-nine cities for the sake of boosting the economies of Macau and Hong Kong. Both Macau and Hong Kong have been suffering from a huge outpour of locals to Zhuhai and Shenzhen during weekends, and because of having more mainland tourists, it is hoped that the economies of Macau and Hong Kong can be rescued and will take a turn for the better. The good intentions of the central government are consistent in the cases of both Macau and Hong Kong.
Fourth, Xia’s visit to Macau lasted for seven days – the same situation could be seen in his last visit to Hong Kong, implying that the central authorities treat both SARs equally without perpetuating the old image of any “big Hong Kong, small Macau.” From now on, both Macau and Hong Kong are treated equally with their unique divisions of labour, with Macau focusing on its role as a “para-diplomatic” platform for mainland China to enhance its relations with Portuguese-speaking countries and countries in the European Union and Southeast Asia. Hong Kong remains an international financial and monetary centre with its global connections and common law system, playing its role as a “super-connector” in terms of economic and trade relations with other countries in the world.
Fifth, Xia’s speech delivered during his meeting with the business elites in Macau pointed to a critical issue of how the central authorities augmented the physical space of Macau. He said that when Macau was administratively returned by Portugal to China in 1999, its area was only 21.45 square kilometres, but Macau’s area has recently increased further after the central government has allowed 33.3 square kilometres of land reclamation, conferred 85 square kilometres of waters to Macau, and integrated 224.76 square kilometres of Hengqin with Macau. As a result, Macau’s physical space has expanded tremendously, creating more space for socio-economic development—an unprecedented experiment, even unrivalled in Hong Kong.
Sixth, Xia pointed to the autonomy of Macau, which has trade relations with some 120 countries, and enjoys visa-free entry for its residents to 145 countries and places. In a sense, both Macau and Hong Kong enjoy some degree of external autonomy allowed by the central authorities in Beijing—another distinctive feature of the “one country, two systems” in the two SAPRs.
Seventh, Xia paid attention to the youths in both Macau and Hong Kong, appealing to them to integrate with the mainland, develop their patriotic sentiment, and help the SARs develop innovation and technology. Xia’s visits to the University of Macau and the Macau University of Science and Technology were significant, as the two universities have risen prominently in international ranking and research productivity.
Eighth, Xia’s visit to the Macau New Neighbourhood in Hengqin was accompanied by his inspection to women associations, kaifong associations, labour unions, overseas Chinese associations, and the Macau Medical Centre of Beijing Union Medical College Hospital. All these visits were carefully arranged, illustrating the profound sense of the central authorities interest in improving the livelihood and well-being of the Macau people at the grassroots level. His visit to Hong Kong was also characterised by visits to the grassroot-level residents, demonstrating the emphasis of the central authorities on the basic needs of ordinary citizens. If capitalism in Macau and Hong Kong persists, it has to be benign and take into consideration the protection of the interests of lower-income citizens.
Ninth, Xia’s remarks that the central government supports what the Macau Chief Executive and SAR government have done are signalling that it backs up Ho Iat Seng, if he wishes, to run for the Chief Executive election in October. The timing of Xia’s visit to Macau was remarkably interesting, just before the election of the members of the Election Committee in August and prior to the decision of Ho Iat Seng to run in the Chief Executive election or not. Regardless of the final decision of Ho, Xia’s visit and remarks appeared to inject a strong element of confidence into Ho, if he decides to run for another term.
Tenth, Xia’s comments on Macau’s development appear to be more positive than his recent comments on Hong Kong. During a recent meeting in Beijing between Xia and Kevin Yeung, the Hong Kong Secretary for Culture, Sports and Tourism, the former appealed to the latter for making every place in Hong Kong SAR a tourist spot. This comment reflected Xia’s concern about Hong Kong’s ways of managing tourism. The mega-sports events, as recently emphasised by the Hong Kong authorities, have turned out to encounter public criticisms. Xia’s comment on the need for Hong Kong to make every place in the city a tourist spot was an implicit criticism of the ways in which Hong Kong tourist authorities have been managing tourism – a remark that should prompt them to reflect self-critically and innovatively. Xia’s meetings with some Hong Kong secretaries in Beijing, and his visits to Macau, also point to the proactive way central authorities are now managing the development of Hong Kong and Hong Kong – a reflection of the center’s “comprehensive jurisdiction” over the two SARs.
In conclusion, Xia’s visit to Macau had significant similarities with his previous visit to Hong Kong, demonstrating how the Beijing authorities have been adopting central pro-activity on the development of both Macau and Hong Kong. Such central proactivity embraces inspection study visits, open comments, public remarks on the two cities, and direct and explicit policy advice given to the high-level officials of Macau and Hong Kong. Xia’s comments on Macau also paved the way for Ho Iat Seng – if he is willing – to run for the second term in the upcoming Chief Executive election in Macau. The two SARs are portrayed as unique in their models of “one country, two systems,” with Hong Kong being an international financial and monetary centre and Macau as an international tourism hub where deeper economic integration with Hengqin is fostered and where obvious economic diversification from its previously over-reliance on casino-propelled capitalism is accelerated. The two SARs are expected to look after the interests and well-being of residents at the grassroots level, while their three branches of government are characterised by the executive-led nature of the administration and accompanied by judicial independence and harmonious partnerships between the executive and the legislature. Infrastructure projects and development remain the pillar of socio-economic integration between Macau and Hong Kong on the one hand and the mainland on the other, while the cultures of the East meeting the West are retained as a unique feature of the “one country, two systems” in the two capitalist enclaves.
原刊於澳門新聞通訊社（MNA）網站，本社獲作者授權轉載。原文網址：https://tinyurl.com/yfm2875t
